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AntePodium III, 1999
The
Global Corporatisation of Universities: Causes and Consequences
William W. Bostock, University of Tasmania, Australia
An
earlier version of this paper was presented at the Seventeenth ISSED Seminar: "Higher Education and Social Conscience", University of Scranton,
Pennsylvania, USA, June 5-8, 1998.
Abstract:
The closing days of the twentieth century have seen two extraordinary
developments: an information technology revolution and the end of ideological
confrontation between major powers.
These developments have had a profound effect on the social, political,
economic and cultural organisation of humankind, often generically called
globalisation, and in the field of higher education this has led in many
countries to the adoption and implementation of a single paradigm of a
university. This university is expected
to operate like a business corporation in a market place producing and
purveying technical excellence in knowledge to a large number of students and
other clients. But the corporate
university does have fundamental problems:
first, in that the problems selected for solution through the
application of technical excellence are determined by marketing considerations
and therefore may not be very deep or great in significance, and second, that
the organisational principles employed under this type of regime do not
engender the long-term commitment of academic staff, and lastly that the human
contact which is a necessary concomitant of excellent teaching and which is by
its nature labour-intensive, must be reduced to the barest minimum in a
cost-conscious corporatised university.
Some realistic and practicable strategies to minimise educational costs
of corporatisation are suggested.
Introduction
Corporatisation is a process of making a State body
into an independent commercial company.
In many countries it has been considered appropriate to corporatise such
formerly State owned providers of services such as energy, public transport,
telecommunications, airports, even prisons, and more recently, institutions of
higher education. Corporatisation is
often the first stage in a process of privatisation where the ownership of a
former State body is transferred to private individuals and institutional
investors generally through the floating of shares available to the public and
subsequent listing on a stock exchange.
The privately owned corporation will then operate in a market place
under normal commercial conditions and hopefully return a dividend and
appreciate in the value of its shares.
Unlike
other bodies deemed suitable for corporatisation, universities have existed for
many centuries, the earliest being believed to be Alazhar in 970 AD, followed
in the early 1000s by Bologna, Paris, Oxford and Cambridge. Many of the ancient universities were
founded by religious orders but later became secularised with long and
sometimes extremely successful histories of operating as commercial
enterprises. Harvard, the oldest
university in the Americas is now reported to be the world's richest with an
endowment of $6 billion.[1] In Asian countries such as Japan, Korea, Philippines
and Taiwan, there is a tradition of private universities and in some of these
countries universities are listed on the stock exchange. New private universities are being
established in the UK, Australia, North America, Latin America, Central and
Eastern Europe, even China and Vietnam.
The Western European countries have seen less of this development,
though Germany has one newly-established private university with more on the
way. Clearly there is evidence that a
process of organisational change in the form of higher education of
considerable uniformity is taking place on a global scale.
Globalisation
refers to a process of heightened interconnectedness between states, public and
private bodies and individuals on a world-wide scale which is a consequence of
the revolution in information technology (IT) which started with the building
of the first computers in Britain and the USA during World War II and then the
development of the Internet in the 1970s and the World Wide Web in the 1980s. Parallel to the development of IT is that of
other technologies such as high density data storage, artificial intelligence,
optoelectronics, sensor technology, and digital imaging technology, which have
together permitted the electronic media to now provide the transfer of sound
and image electronically via satellite to any part of the world, itself a
development made possible by aerospace technology.
Another
factor which is both a product and a cause of globalisation is the emergence
since World War II of the English language to an unchallengeable position of
pre-eminence among languages of wider communication.[2]
The effect is a globalisation of culture through homogenisation of tastes in
music, dress, entertainment and lifestyle aspiration[3]
and so it would not surprising to see a similar globalisation in higher
education.
In
earlier times a remarkable degree of primitive globalisation existed, and this
can be seen in the high level of standardisation among the earlier paradigms of
a university. The lines of development
from Plato's academy, through the religious universities of Islam and
Christendom, the Germanic model, and Newman's ideal, to the present, though
always with substantial local variation, are clear. Today's enormous process of
globalised standardisation in many areas of thought and organisation is in fact
most marked in universities. In their
study of the development of universities of Australia, Canada, the United
Kingdom and the United States,
Slaughter and Leslie found evidence of a high level of convergence. They also found a similar process occurring
in the public universities of most Western industrialised countries 'pushed and
pulled by the same global forces at work in the English -speaking countries'.[4]
and it is also operating in other countries and cities such as Malaysia[5]
and Hong Kong.[6]
The
Corporate University
Corporatisation
means that universities are assumed to be very similar to large business
organisations and therefore being capable of being run as businesses, as for example
when Ford Motors entered a partnership with Ohio State University on the
assumption that 'the mission(s) of the university and the corporation are not
that different.'[7]
Corporatised universities are expected to raise a much greater
proportion of their own revenue, enter into business enterprises, acquire and
hold investment portfolios, encourages partnerships with private business
firms, compete with other universities in the production and marketing of
courses to students who are now seen as customers, and generally engage with
the market for higher education.
The
corporate university has the predominating characteristics of being an
institution that pursues technical excellence and as one that follows a
supplier/customer model of the basic educational relationship.
The 'commitment to excellence' can be found in many parts of the world in such
universities as City Hong Kong, Oxford, Melbourne and Montréal. Excellence in universities is not confined
to academic pursuits: it is also
proclaimed in such matters as housing, health and even parking.[8]
In the corporate university, the student is seen
as a customer or client, a conception which follows logically from the
visualisation of a university as a business producing and selling knowledge in
the form of vocationally-oriented courses. While not intrinsically an
unacademic procedure, critics of the system note that over-use of student
evaluations undermines academic standards by creating a need to please and to
give ever-higher grades[9]
and in addition, there is the consequence that they can be used to undermine
the integrity and even existence of disciplines to the extent that there is a
threat to the traditional subject of university education. As one critic noted
'The intellectual capital
accumulated by generations of classicists, Asianists, physicists, philosophers,
scientists, mathematicians, literary critics, historians, linguists and, for
that matter, economists (ironically, students are fleeing economics in favour
of business courses) is far too important to be surrendered to market forces
driven by the preferences of eighteen-year-olds and the current needs of, for
example, the tourist industry.'[10]
The
Consequences of Corporatisation
Some
of the obvious consequences of corporatisation have received much acclaim: greater access to higher education for all
and especially for disadvantaged groups, greater responsiveness to demands for
more 'relevant' courses (the view stated earlier notwithstanding) and greater
involvement of universities with the communities that surround them, in other
words a demolishing of the 'ivory tower'.
On closer inspection, however, some questions do arise.
Technical
excellence would appear to be a suitable criterion for the purposes of a
university, but the problem that arises is that the use of 'excellence' as an
absolute standard which has the effect of placing technique above ends or
values. The result of this
preponderance of technique over value is the decline of the classical disciplines
which can be seen occurring on a global scale.
In the American context, this process has been recounted by many
observers[11] and has
been repeated in many other countries.
In Australia a group of scholars declared that 'the idea of the intrinsic
value of a liberal education has virtually been jettisoned by Australian
universities'.[12] In the countries where universities have
been corporatised, many classics departments have been eliminated but the demise of classics is not restricted to
the humanities as it is also occurring in the classical science disciplines of
chemistry, physics and mathematics, where again the pure is giving way to the
applied. The removal of disciplines
from university curricula follows automatically from the conception that a
university produces a 'product' that can be 'consumed' and if a particular
productive unit has no buyers for its product, then logically it should not
continue to exist. But the process of
allowing the market place to determine academic priorities does bring with it
problems of the credibility of standards such that one critic was of the
opinion that 'Consumerism...is
correctly perceived as the most pressing thRreat to the traditional subject of
university education in North America...' [13]
Another
consequence of the corporatist paradigm is the decline of collegiality, a form of relationship where responsibility
is shared, as originally by bishops in the governance of the Roman Catholic
Church, and one also considered traditionally
appropriate to universities.
Corporatisation has undermined collegiality in two ways, firstly by
removing the kind of equality that existed between individual academics through
the possession of tenure[14]
and secondly by creating a sense of competition between universities as they
confront each other in the marketplace.
As with other bodies involved in economic activity, universities are forming, and being advised
to form into, groups, and again, consequences harmful for the wide and free
dissemination of knowledge can be discerned: '(t)he formation of groups of
universities...is destroying collegiality across universities...', is the
conclusion a discussion group reached.[15] Competitivity among universities replaces
earlier paradigms of the 'community of scholars' in common pursuit of learning
and may ultimately lead to a decrease in the generation of new knowledge. In their study of university corporatisation
Slaughter and Leslie found evidence that neglect of basic research was occurring,
and secrecy and confidentiality about research results was a common by-product,
and in fact secrecy was often made a condition of collaboration with industry.[16]
Competition also raises problems of conformity and lack of creativity and the
corporate state may itself lose as much as it seeks to gain.[17]
One
of the most publicly noticeable consequences of corporatisation is that tenure
or the right of academics to continuing employment has become
controversial: '...what job other than
academic has flexible hours, summers off, paid sabbaticals, a guaranteed
lifetime employment regardless of performance?'[18]
Tenure (from the French tenir to
hold) has in fact a long but highly intermittent history of application. In the mediaeval schools which evolved into
universities, monks were educated beyond the level of cathedral and monastic
schools, and certain privileges were claimed.
In 1158 Frederick 1 Barbarossa granted the scholars of the studium generale at Bologna the privileges of protection
against unjust arrest and trial before peers.
In Paris in the same century another body of scholars developed and were
classed as members of the clergy and demanded and received the right of trial
by ecclesiastical court. The earliest
known granting of tenure privileges in England dates from the formal recognition
of Oxford by a papal legate in 1214.[19]
In Germany, there is a strong tradition of tenure, except in the periods
of the Second and Third Reichs: under the latter, some 1200 academics were
dismissed on grounds of race, religion, politics or any other criterion
including false accusations motivated by professional jealousy[20]
and many later perished in concentration camps though the philosopher Jaspers
was able to survive.[21]
In France where academics are public
servants under the Ministry of Universities it is institutionalised, though
there is a case at present in progress concerning the dismissal of Professor
Faurisson from a chair of History at the University of Lyons on grounds of
Holocaust denial.[22]
In countries which have adopted the
British paradigm of higher education such as India it is still extremely well
entrenched, while in Britain itself, and in Australia and New Zealand, tenure
has recently been weakened to the extent that academics can be made redundant
on administrative grounds such as 'financial exigency' in addition to
unsatisfactory conduct. In the United States tenure has existed for many
decades and was widely held to be a standard by which universities could be
judged. Much pressure for tenure came
from the American Association of University Professors and its Committee on
Academic Freedom and Tenure which first formulated its policy in 1915 during
the build-up to two widely-publicised dismissals from academic positions on
political grounds in the United States in 1917. These led to a strong movement for the institutionalisation of a
system of tenure in that country in 1919, and also to the creation of a new
institution which was to achieve great prestige, the New School for Social
Research. On October 8, 1917, the
famous historian Charles A. Beard resigned from Columbia University in protest
over the dismissal of two colleagues, Professors Cattell and Dana, for having
publicly opposed the entry of the United States into World War 1. Despite the controversy over the departure
in protest of Beard and the other academics, Columbia survived but tenure
became a widely-accepted policy.[23] There is also recently an interesting
parallel to the Faurisson case in the United States at Northwestern
University at Evanston, Ill., where a
Web page was published arguing, similarly to Faurisson, that the atrocities of the Holocaust have
been greatly exaggerated. An untenured
engineering instructor at the same University denounced this view in class, and
believes that as a result, the school did not renew his contract. These cases
show some of the difficulties implicit in the concept of tenure, viz. to
provide protection against dismissal for the exercise of freedom of
speech. Should this principle override
the need to take responsibility for the views expressed? Chomsky takes the view that it does and has
argued in support of Faurisson's right to express a view with which Chomsky
does not personally agree.[24] One view is that academics should be seen as
citizens rather than employees, '...tenured faculty are the citizens, and their
citizenship rights include most importantly their freedom to make professional
judgements of others without fear of retribution by the administration.[25]
This
is also an example of the major challenge to the ideal of a university that is
posed by the increasing use of part-time non-tenure track staff, currently
estimated in the USA to be 43 per cent of all instructors and about twice as
many as was the case two decades ago.[26]
As well as greater managerial flexibility, the use of short term-term academic
staff also carries with it a level of cost savings that are an irresistible
temptation for administrators who may also want to implement greater wage
differentiation. Writing of the USA,
Wilshire noted that part-time instructors are being employed as a method of
deliberately undermining the practice of tenure with the consequence that
'(a) permanent class of
gypsy scholars threatens to be created.
This practice is particularly shameful when it is also employed to
compensate for exorbitant salaries paid to a few "superstars". That market pressures should have so
distorted the research university is a measure, of course, of its moral
collapse.'[27]
Public
opinion of the day was significantly disturbed by the cases of Catell and Dana,
but today's public opinion which is aware of the concept prevailing in
managerial thinking of the desirability of flexibility in the labour market
would possibly have less acceptance of the need for academic tenure. In the present milieu of short-term
employment and 'patchwork quilt' careers may be seen as the norm. However,
there is also a popular ideal of continuity of employment and freedom from
arbitrary dismissal in any employment but particularly one where the employee
has invested a prodigious amount of effort, time and money in gaining
qualifications as in university teaching.
Many have questioned whether the investment is worthwhile as they review
the changing nature of higher education employment.[28] Management theorists are sometimes found to
support the view that employment practices should maximise flexibility, and
that the concept of career is now obsolete. However, the widely acclaimed organisation theorist Perrow noted
that despite its costs, the career principle is a sound one. Perrow saw the major factor in the tenured
career model of employment as being the need to provide an incentive and
guaranteed return on long-term investment in technical training and skill
development.[29]
The
decline in tenure is the other side of the policies of increasing
casualisation, juniorisation and 'churning' of academic staff. In the USA the use of graduate students in
undergraduate teaching has occurred for many decades. One report refers to a lecture class of 1,200 students being
taught by a 21-year-old research student.[30] The present level of 'non- continuing' employees in Australian universities is
an estimated 40 per cent,[31] strongly indicating that the same
organisational dynamic is at work. As
in the United States, the policy has its critics who point not only to the
human costs to individuals and their families
of the drive towards non-continuing or limited-term contract
appointments but also the educational consequence which can only be interpreted
as 'an attack on the quality of higher education'.[32]
A similar situation is occurring in medicine where the family doctor is being
replaced by sessional (casual) doctors, with a similar effect of not being
aware of the history or personal circumstances of any particular patient. As in higher education, health care is also
being corporatised, with the similar result that '...the current corporate
context may sabotage quality initiatives.'
[33]
Among
those academics with continuing appointment, role expectations are changing
considerably as the individual academic responds to corporatisation by engaging
in the production and sale of educational services to a market in return for
specific reward. In this they are
acting as capitalists who operate from within the public sector, and can be
called 'state-subsidized entrepreneurs'.[34]
As
the dominant paradigm of a university changes from the traditional one of 'ivory
tower' to one of engagement with other corporations in the pursuit of wealth
through industry, new priorities of academia are put in place. Michael E.
Porter has been influential in bringing about this paradigm shift through the
publication of his book The Competitive
Advantage of Nations [35] in which he defined the new role of the university. In the relationship between
industry and the university, '(i)ndividual academics should be the
entrepreneurs', Porter stated in a
recent interview.[36]
Many
of the consequences of corporatisation are seen in changes to the style and
outcomes of university administration. Though always regarded as
important, the university administrator
was always considered as essentially a detached figure whose role was to uphold
standards of probity in such matters as appointment, examination and the handling
of money. In the corporate university, administrators are expected to behave as
would the executives in any other large commercial enterprise except that the
stakeholders are now the whole of society. As Porter stated '(e)ducation and
training constitute perhaps the greatest single long-term leverage point
available to all levels of government in upgrading industry.'[37]
and this statement has become the imperative of the administrators of
corporatised universities.
Accountability
is being proposed as a solution to the problem of declining standards. While superficially appearing to be a good
thing, accountability has in practice the undesirable effect of reducing
responsibility. This can clearly be
seen in the field of medicine where some hospitals are now reported to be
deliberately lowering the standard of care by removing medical equipment rather
than take the risk of being held accountable for the misuse of the same medical
equipment. In academia a parallel
situation is coming into existence where experimental courses and methods are
withdrawn rather than take the risk of possible legal action under the
principle of accountability.
There
are also problems of accountability to whom? In the case of university administrators,
the problem is particularly acute. Is the administrator accountable to: a governing body, a government, a
parliament, the courts or various administrative tribunals?[38]
Accountability is also applied selectively:
Slaughter and Leslie report that while only one in ten of the university
businesses they studied were successful, there did not seem to be any penalty
attached to those responsible for the unsuccessful ones.[39]
The
style of management in corporatised universities differs from that employed in
traditional universities, not only in the emphasis on short-term employment but
in the acceptable level of force in achieving organisational aims. The former administrative style of
gentlemanly (admittedly sexist) collegiality among tenured and mostly respected
citizens (to use Turner's term) seems to have given way to a more robust even
cut-throat style known as managerialism. While deploring the dichotomy between
collegiality and managerialism, Coaldrake and Stedman assert the need for a
managerialist '.contemporary university
management is a complex amalgam of approach
administration, academic decision making, financial
management, strategic planning and marketing, residing in a large organisation
with multiple stakeholders and subject to ongoing shifts in priorities and
demands.' [40]
The
new paradigm of university administration, with its emphasis on flexibility and
avoidance of committees, carries with
it an increased risk of corruption and malpractice that the earlier paradigms
strove so hard to eliminate. It is
interesting to note that the University of Sydney, Australia's oldest and
possibly most prestigious, has felt impelled to institute a code of conduct and
an anti-corruption strategy in what the Vice-Chancellor described as an attempt
to 'foster an atmosphere of honesty and fairness.'[41]
The
Causes of Corporatisation
As
has been seen, corporatisation in universities is not new and neither is
globalisation. The new situation that now
exists is that the revolution in IT and parallel technologies has immensely
speeded the process of globalisation from which countries can only insulate
themselves at enormous and generally unacceptable political cost. Globalised communications have pushed back
levels of political acceptability, in for example road safety, where the
compulsory wearing of seat belts has gone from being totally unacceptable to
now more or less universally acceptable.
Similarly with higher education, the charging of fees to students, once
and still in some countries electorally unacceptable, is now becoming the norm.
International
agencies are also promoting academic corporatisation. One such body is the World Bank, an agency of the United Nations,
which is now considered to exert a potent influence on the 'thrust and
complexion of education policy', not only in developing countries but
throughout the world.[42] Where the thrust referred to is 'user pays',
accountability, market-orientation, and privatisation, in other words,
corporatisation.
Another
agency promoting corporatisation is the Organisation for Economic and Cultural
Development (OECD), a 29-member group of developed countries which sees
education as a key to economic growth and stability, and which has recommended
common strategies designed to enhance national competitiveness through a
programme similar to that promoted by the World Bank.[43]
The
ending of the Cold War has had an impact on the corporatisation of higher
education by the removal of one side of the capitalism/communism ideological
cleavage, with the result that the ideas of such conservative writers as Hayek
and Friedman have come to dominate the thinking of educational
policy-makers. Broadly speaking, their concept
is that education's main benefit is private, thus justifying the levying of
fees upon individuals.[44]
There
is also the rise to predominance of postmodern thinking which, while not itself
an ideology, is an intellectual position critical of established traditions,
institutions and practices which form part of the 'great historical narratives' of Judeo-Christian thought, the Enlightenment and Marxism.[45] The general state of scepticism and relativism created by postmodernism through
the process known as 'deconstruction' is reflected in public attitudes to the
traditional university as much as it is to other traditional components of
society. Postmodernism has had an
effect very different from that envisaged by its creators: after the deconstruction of society and its
institutions, what is left is a marketplace, so that postmodernism is creating
the right intellectual milieu for economic rationalism. This point was made by Saul when he wrote '(t)he
net effect (of postmodernism) has been to reinforce the corporatist point of
view that we all exist as functions within our corporations.'[46]
There
is also the effect of the corporatised mass-media which has applied the
deconstructionist approach to institutions on the postmodern assumption that
all knowledge is relative and therefore equal.
The fact that media are in competition with the Internet, on which there
is no censorship, has meant that traditions of objectivity in intellectual
enquiry have been sacrificed to the needs of the marketplace. Rather than resisting these forces,
university administrators in the corporatist paradigm have attempted to follow
the same market-driven strategy of survival, a point again made by Saul '...the
universities are in crisis and are attempting to ride out the storm by aligning
themselves with corporatist interests.'[47]
Strategies
to Overcome the Consequences of Corporatisation
The
foregoing discussion indicates some of the very deep problems caused by the
corporatisation of universities, the most notable being that first, the problems selected for
solution through the application of technical excellence are determined by
marketing considerations and therefore may not be very deep or great in
significance, second, the
organisational principles employed under this type of regime do not permit a
long-term commitment by academic staff , and lastly the human contact which is
a necessary concomitant of excellent teaching and which is by its nature
labour-intensive, must be reduced to the barest minimum in a cost-conscious
corporatised university.
In
addressing this problem it is likely that there is no single response but
rather a range of responses the appropriateness of which will be a function of
one's position in relation to the corporatised university. Here three major constituencies can be
identified: the elite of CEOs
(Vice-Chancellors, Presidents, Rectors),
rank-and-file academics, and students.
There is evidence that many CEOs are deeply troubled by the grosser
consequences of corporatisation and are working in the ways they consider
appropriate to their position, that is,
generally behind the scenes, to persuade with subtlety those politicians, business leaders and media owners who are
considered influential to modify the thrust towards corporatisation, and in
this they are working singly or through bodies such as Associations of
Vice-Chancellors or other CEOs.
Occasionally divisions within an elite become visible, as when four
vice-chancellors broke rank with the Committee of Vice-Chancellors in the UK
over a proposal to establish a 'British 'Ivy League' which would involve a
higher level of corporatisation.[48] In Australia some vice-chancellors, such as
that of La Trobe University, have courageously spoken publicly against the
radical corporatisation proposed by the West Report, Learning for Life.[49]
The
body of academics below CEO are, as already intimated, quite divided over the
issue of corporatisation, generally along the lines of those who have done well
from it by successfully marketing their research and courses as against those
for whom it has been a source of difficulty if not distaste. Among those many who are opposed to the
excesses of corporatisation, several strategies are available, the most obvious
being the traditional one of industrial action. Academic unions have certainly been at the forefront in
addressing the problem, through for example the International Conference of
University Teacher Organisations which resolved that: fees should not exceed 20 percent of course costs and subsidies
should be available, funding of universities should remain primarily the
responsibility of the state, and that tenure is the appropriate policy for the
employment of academics.[50]
Individual
academics can also publish statements of concern over the attack on academic
values, such as those made in books by Professors Wilshire or the late Bill Readings, or they can publicly question
the policy of corporatisation as has done Dr David Noble of the University of
York, Toronto, who has spoken against the 'hijacking of higher education ' by
university administrators who are also members of the boards of major
corporations, thus identifying a problem of conflict of interest. Dr Noble's speech at the University of
Minnesota was sponsored by a student organisation,[51] but many academics prefer not to work in conjunction
with student organisations. This
strategy is not available to casual or non-continuing academics on account of
their extreme vulnerability and for whom the only avenue is collective action
through academic unions and to wait for changes in public opinion, though
occasionally individual cases of the denial of tenure do receive publicity.[52]
Important
though these statements are, the most
effective strategy for academics is likely to be that which creates an Index of Academic Acceptability, on the lines of the various Human Rights
Indices which have been created[53] and which could publish world-wide a list of
universities with a co-efficient based on such indicators as the ratio of
continuing-non-continuing staff, staff-student ratio, the ratio of staff
engaged in pure as opposed to applied research, and a subindex of terminations
without due process. In addition,
academics could investigate and demonstrate cases where the costs of
corporatisation are exceeding the gains and therefore that the policy can be
counterproductive, particularly at the level of research outcomes and in the
success-rate of university-business partnerships which, as noted above, is
reported to be very low. Another
important area of initiative is to fully investigate and report on the matter
of the effects of casualisation of staff on the quality of educational
outcomes. There is already a wealth of
intuitive and anecdotal evidence that the use of casual staff depletes the
richness of the educational experience, but a rigorous scientific effects
assessment of the hypothesis would give the matter the necessary priority. Information about the incidence of
casualisation in most countries is already available. In Australia it can seen in the indicator 'percentage of staff
with tenure' which is released through the Department of Employment, Education,
Training and Youth Affairs.[54]
Non-industrial
professional associations or interest groups formed specifically for the
purpose have addressed the problems of the excesses of corporatisation. Sometimes the imminent closure of a school
or department can provide a situation that mobilises specialist opinion, but
rarely does it capture the public support necessary to have sufficient impact
as to avoid the unwanted event.
Increasingly
students are becoming aware of the consequences of corporatisation,
particularly in systems that have previously been fully funded by the
state. November 5, 1996 was declared a 'National
No Fees Day' by the UK's National Union of Students.[55] South Africa's students have also protested[56] and students in Canada made January 28,
1998 a 'National Day of Action' with
the itinerary of creating a 'system free from user fees, student debt,
neo-liberal ideology and corporate control'.[57] Casualisation has not yet become a major
concern to students, except among those near the completion of postgraduate
courses and who may realise that what awaits them is not a career but a 'patchwork
quilt' of short-term jobs in various locations until they reach 'use by' date
at around forty. Concern at the loss of
quality in the teaching process as a consequence of the increasing level of
reliance upon casual staff is also being shown through legal action by
individual students.[58]
One
aspect of corporatisation of deep concern to many is the loss from universities of the role of critic of
society, a role which is compromised when universities become subordinated to
market forces as a result of the reduction or elimination of tenure,
casualisation, the market-orientation of research and teaching priorities. However the quest for a quantifiable measure
of prestige among university CEOs has caused them to turn to counting Nobel
laureates as an index of academic excellence.
An unexpected byproduct of this process is that Nobel laureates are
assuming the role of moral leadership that in earlier times would have been
possible for ordinary academics. As an
example of this one could cite the fact that among the very few voices to
protest against the Algerian Government's failure to act or to allow outside
assistance in acting against the slaughter of innocents by terrorists within
its own borders is a group of sixty Nobel laureates.[59]
Their protest is one that might have
been made in pre-corporatisation days by university academics, a group that is
now effectively silenced by lack of tenure, or threatened loss of tenure, and
generally encapsulated within the strict confines of corporate discipline.
In
conclusion, one could assume that although the paradigm of the traditional
university now appears to be defunct, that the present task confronting
academics, administrators and societies is to build upon those aspects of
higher education corporatisation that are positive by minimising or neutralising the harmful aspects of the
process by rejecting the idea that a university should follow market trends and
reaffirm its special role as an institution dedicated to the pursuit of
significant knowledge and lasting values.
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